Arndt Leininger

Arndt Leininger

@aleininger.bsky.social

Professor of political science, especially methods @politikuhh.bsky.social @uni-hamburg.de | #PhD @thehertieschool | founding member @CorrelAid | he/him/🍠

1.1K followers310 following188 posts

Es scheint leider bei vielen im Morgenteam des DLF die Vorstellung vorzuherrschen, es sei schon kritischer Journalismus, wenn man die Gegenposition zum Interviewpartner einnimmt, egal wie hanebüchen diese Gegenposition ist.

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Takeaway: the gap between citizen demand and reform reflects the strategic logic of party competition as much as principle. Reform needs the large governing parties, and they are least keen exactly when they could act. 10/

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Challenger parties (those that have not yet governed) support direct democracy much more than mainstream parties. But looking within parties over time, they don't drop the issue after entering government for the first time. 8/

Government status matters, though: the same state party is less supportive in manifestos written in government than in opposition. This is clearest for the CDU and SPD, the parties that alternate in office most, though subsample estimates are noisier. 9/

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Regression analyses show that left-of-center manifestos contain significantly more supporting sentences than those of the centrist parties. Right-of-center parties also exceed the center, but by a smaller margin. Populism adds support beyond what left-right positioning predicts. 6/

Using data on continuous party positions on economic and cultural left-right dimensions (1990–2017) reveals that the cultural dimension is more strongly associated with support than the economic one. Support is higher at both cultural ends than in the middle. 7/

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First finding: when parties mention direct democracy, they are almost always in favor. About 75% of sentences are supportive; fewer than 5% are opposed. Skeptical parties don't argue against it. They stay silent, as salience theory predicts. Over time, the topic gains traction. 4/

Who talks about it favorably? The left-of-center Greens and Die Linke/PDS, but also the populist radical right AfD, in most of their manifestos. The liberal FDP and the social-democratic SPD only in about half. And the Christian Democratic CDU and CSU rarely. 5/

The idea: parties can back direct democracy for two kinds of reasons. Ideological: the left favors wider participation; populists invoke popular sovereignty. Instrumental: challenger and opposition parties gain a route to policy influence that governing parties don't need. 2/

Data: 701 manifestos of German parties from national and state elections, 1975–2017. A custom dictionary finds 2,209 sentences on direct democracy. An LLM codes each as supporting, opposing, or neutral, validated against three human coders. 3/

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Well, eyeballing @hudde.bsky.social's figure, he won't have reached the minimum of the scale (which runs to -5) by then but will CDU/CSU continue to hold on to him if the trend continues like this?

Julius Kölzer@juliusk.bsky.social

Nachgerechnet: Friedrich Merz müsste noch bis Ende März 2028 im Amt bleiben, um nicht der Bundeskanzler mit der kürzesten Amtszeit zu werden. Erst dann hätte er Kiesinger überholt.

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Why this matters: friends-and-neighbors voting and electoral discrimination against minority candidates are usually studied separately. We show both can stem from the same mechanism, a continuum running from local to generic to other-region to foreign names.

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Is it instrumental? Probably not. Respondents don't expect candidates with local names to do more constituency service, and MPs with local names aren't more likely to sit on committees that bring money home. The more plausible driver: place-based identity.

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A conjoint experiment mirroring the Bundestag ballot (name, party, occupation, residence) shows that candidates with foreign-sounding or other-region surnames are less likely to be chosen than those with local or generic names. The foreign-name penalty exceeds the white- vs. blue-collar gap.

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Result: local names win votes. With year, party & constituency fixed effects, a local name is worth about 1 pp of the candidate vote, more than being born in the constituency and close to the bonus of a doctorate. Robust to controls for birthplace, residence, and name frequency.

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Our argument: surnames cluster regionally. Jansen sounds northern German, Obermaier Bavarian, Müller or Schmidt could be from anywhere. A name typical for your region signals "one of us" (in-group favoritism); a foreign-sounding one signals "not one of us" (out-group bias).

Study 1: We mapped the surnames of 5,757 constituency candidates in Bundestag elections 2005–2021 using a phone-book database (GeoGen) and measured how concentrated each name is around the candidate's constituency. Süßmair in Augsburg: very local. Schmidt: everywhere.

Friends-and-neighbors voting is one of the oldest findings in electoral research. But ballots rarely say where candidates are from, just where they live, and voters know little about them. Experiments show localness matters, but they tell respondents who is local. Real voters don't get that info.

Arndt Leininger reposted

📢 The Call for Papers for EPSS 2027 is open! After a fantastic first conference in Belfast, we’re heading to Copenhagen 🇩🇰, 24–26 June 2027. ⏰ Deadline: 13 Nov 2026 👉 Call for papers: epssnet.org/2027-copenha... 1/2

epssnet.orgCall for Papers | EPSS Belfast 2026 ConferenceSubmit your abstract or full paper for EPSS Belfast 2026. Share cutting‑edge political science research, network with peers & contribute to academic impact.

RefSurv is just getting started, and we hope it grows into a genuinely useful resource for everyone working on referendum voting and comparative research. Follow along as we keep adding data! 🗳️ 4/

RefSurv is developed by the @dfg.de funded Emmy Noether research group “Polarization through and in Referendums: Mapping Polarization within and beyond the Party System”, led by me. Its core members are Felix Grünewald and Nelly Buntfuß, supported by our RAs Jonas Völzke and Tom Anderer. 💡🛠️

Finding comparable survey data on referendum voting can be surprisingly difficult. RefSurv brings together referendum-related surveys, information on the respective referendums, and examples of research using this data — making it easier to discover what exists and how it's been used. 🔬🌍 2/

RefSurv is also a growing repository. We're working with researchers to make referendum survey datasets available that are otherwise difficult to access. Have you conducted a referendum survey or know of relevant data? We'd love to hear from you! 🤝 3/

Arndt Leininger reposted

Unsere Prognosen für die drei Landtagswahlen im September sind ab sofort online. In Sachsen-Anhalt liegt die AfD in Umfragen bei über 40 Prozent — aber reicht es für eine absolute Mehrheit der Sitze? Die klassische Sonntagsfrage kann diese Frage nicht beantworten.

Arndt Leininger reposted

Remember to nominate your favorite EPSS paper for this award – nomination deadline coming up on August 31.

EPSS@epssnet.bsky.social

🏆 🏆 🏆 Nominations open for EPSS Best Conference Paper Award 🏆 🏆 🏆 The EPSS Best Conference Paper recognizes an outstanding paper that was presented at the EPSS conference in the previous year. Nomination deadline: 31 August 2026. Deadline: 31 August 2026 Submission Link: lnkd.in/eqgE_pc8