Ivaylo Dinev

Ivaylo Dinev

@ivodinev.bsky.social

Multi-Method Data Laboratory | Centre for East European and International Studies (ZOiS) @zois.bsky.social Party systems, protest and social movements, trade unions in #EasternEurope. Triangulation of methods and data. https://ivaylodinev.com

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Ivaylo Dinev reposted

Call for Expressions of Interest for the #KonKoop Early Career Lab (ECL) Looking for a research community focused on conflict and cooperation (South)Eastern Europe, Central Asia, or the Caucasus? The free ECL, coordinated by the IOS, provides various opportunities for PhDs & early post-docs! 👇 1/3

Happy to have contributed to a feature in De Groene Amsterdammer on Gen Z protest movements around the world. We discussed youth-led protests in the Balkans, the historical role of young people, and how Gen Z differs from the Occupy generation.

groene.nlOveral ter wereld gaan jongeren massaal de straat op. Is dit Gen Z versus gerontocratie?Jongeren van Oost-Azië tot Zuid-Amerika gaan massaal de straat op. De rode draad in deze historische protestgolf: niet onvrijheid, maar corruptie en nepotisme van de ouderen. Is dat Gen Z-pragmatisme ...

My thoughts for the mass protests in Albania in an interview for Deutsche Welle: These protests are an attempt to renegotiate the social contract. The key question is not only how large the protests are, but whether this unprecedented civic energy can be transformed into lasting political change.

dw.comProtestat në Shqipëri: "Qeveria duhet të pyesë veten “Pse?“Protestat në Shqipëri janë në javën e dytë të organizimit. "Gen Z“ kërkon ndryshimin e kastës politike, një dukuri që ekspertët e shohin gjithnjë e më në rritje në Ballkan dhe më gjerë në botë.

Read our new #KonKoop DataLab Blog post ⤵️ Celebrating diversity does not always equate to agency for ethnic minorities, researcher Tinatin Khomeriki finds. In her anthropological exploration of the Tbilisoba festival in #Georgia’s capital, she questions the 'souvenirisation' of cultural heritage.

konkoop.deFraming the "Other": The Exhibition of Diversity at Tbilisoba 2023 - KonKoopAt the end of September, the air in Abanotubani – Tbilisi’s historic bath district – thickens with the scent of wood smoke and grilling meat. The city is

We’ll be discussing the results of the Bulgarian elections on May 7th in the company of great scholars. Join us by writing to jean-michel.de.waele@ulb.be

Jean-michel De Waele@dewalius1961.bsky.social

Understanding the new political situation in Bulgaria #bulgaria

If Janša returns to power: • Stronger illiberal & sovereignist trends in EU • Likely neoliberal + socially conservative agenda • Potential social and labour protests

• PM Golob fails to secure a majority → moves to opposition • The President won’t nominate a PM (no 46 votes) → System now enters unstable phase with two equally strong political blocs

Recent elections in Bulgaria make this debate especially timely. Join us!

Speakers updated! 🤩 Join us next week (April 23rd, 4 pm CEST) for a discussion on the #GenZ #Protests in #Bulgaria and #Serbia with @ivodinev.bsky.social and Iskra Krstić! Organized by ipb member Johanna Raphaela Wahl. More information: buff.ly/3audVN0 Register by April 22nd: buff.ly/rqQsCLS

Elections in #Bulgaria confirms again the regime logic of "protest democracy". Since 1989, the system renewal with new political party and mass protests every 5-7 years. And yet, it is unclear what lies ahead.

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1989–1990 – protests and votes for SDS 1997 – protests and a vote for the ODS 2001 and 2009 – protest votes for NDSV and GERB 2013 – three mass protest waves 2020 – protests and a fragmented protest vote 2025–2026 – protests again and a new protest vote for the Radev's "Progressive Bulgaria"

The pattern is repeating all the time: new faces arrive with promises, but rarely manage to fulfill them or are co-opted. Trust erodes once again. Dissatisfaction builds up. A crisis emerges. A new protest and a new political cycle follow.

Elections in #Bulgaria confirms again the regime logic of "protest democracy". Since 1989, the system renewal with new political party and mass protests every 5-7 years. And yet, it is unclear what lies ahead.

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Why? One explanation is the critical juncture in 1989. The elites have failed to consistently deliver the two main goals of democratization: rule of law and economic prosperity for all.

As a result, trust in institutions periodically collapses, only to be “restored” through mass protests and votes for new (challenger and movement-) parties.

Elections in #Bulgaria confirms again the regime logic of "protest democracy". Since 1989, the system renewal with new political party and mass protests every 5-7 years. And yet, it is unclear what lies ahead.

Unlike Western democracies, where electoral behaviour is driven by structural preferences and cleavages, in Bulgaria the driving force is different— protest. Both in the streets and at the ballot box.

Join us to discuss what is going on in Bulgaria and Serbia.

Speakers updated! 🤩 Join us next week (April 23rd, 4 pm CEST) for a discussion on the #GenZ #Protests in #Bulgaria and #Serbia with @ivodinev.bsky.social and Iskra Krstić! Organized by ipb member Johanna Raphaela Wahl. More information: buff.ly/3audVN0 Register by April 22nd: buff.ly/rqQsCLS

Let’s discuss two massive protest waves reshaping political dynamics in Serbia and Bulgaria and what they reveal about contemporary movements worldwide.

Upcoming ipb debate 📣 On 23 April at 4:00 pm, @ivodinev.bsky.social ( @zois.bsky.social ) will speak about the #GenZ #protests in #Bulgaria and #Serbia, focusing on their aims and outcomes. Please register by April 22nd to participate in this online event: buff.ly/9acWinZ More info: buff.ly/eU9ChGS

“Serbia’s youth are protesting with a strategy that the West has almost forgotten.” I said this in an interview with the German outlet Krautreporter. More and more, I am convinced that the rest of the world has much to learn from the civic energy and democratic resilience of Balkan societies.

krautreporter.deSerbiens Jugend protestiert mit einer Strategie, die der Westen fast vergessen hat300.000 Menschen auf der Straße, eine eigene Wahlliste, klassenübergreifende Allianzen von Studierenden bis Landwirten: In Serbien wächst eine Protestbewegung, die das Vučić-Regime bedroht.

Our open-access article in @socmovstudies.bsky.social presents new dataset of workers’ protests in Europe since Covid-19. We find: • High levels of protest • Two alliance patterns • Diverging protest repertoires • Cross-national differences in public vs. private sector mobilization

tandfonline.comLabour unrest in the context of multiple crises: a comparative perspective of EuropeBy presenting the first comparative data of trade union and workers’ protests since Covid-19, based on local sources, this article attempts to fill a significant gap in the empirical research on cr...

What is going on in Bulgaria? An in-depth article by the independent Spanish media CTXT, including an interview with me, on the mass protests, the role of Gen Z, and the current political crisis.

Alberto Mesas 🍉@mrtables.bsky.social

🇧🇬 🗣️📣 Las protestas masivas de la Generación Z en Bulgaria forman parte de un movimiento social mucho más amplio que también ha fructificado en otros países de los Balcanes. Lo cuento en @ctxt.es con la colaboración de @dragosionita.bsky.social e @ivodinev.bsky.social ⬇️ ctxt.es/es/20251201/...

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5. Most participants rejected aggressive or violent tactics, despite the presence of radical groups. Nonviolent resistance proved effective — though protests may continue or escalate into civil disobedience if systemic change does not follow.

1. The protests focused on rejecting arrogant political behavior and the theft of public money through corruption schemes. This united a highly fragmented opposition and citizens across income levels, ethnicities, and religions. Protests spread nationwide and to the Bulgarian diaspora across Europe.

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3. The opposition handled logistics (permits, security, stage, speakers), but the protests avoided a party image: no party flags or slogans. The stage remained open to speakers from diverse social groups.

4. Instead of exhausting daily protests or university occupations, mobilisation happened once per week. Within two weeks, turnout grew from around 100,000 to 200,000–300,000. 3 to 5% of the general population!

2. TikTok, Instagram, and Facebook became the main tools of mobilisation. Influencers amplified calls to protest, making participation socially attractive — protesting became “cool.”

Mass protests in Bulgaria forced a government resignation, showing their effectiveness. Yet resignations often act as safety valves, letting ruling parties to regroup. Since 1989, this has locked the country in a recurring cycle of crisis and protest without breaking underlying power structures.

Tonight, Sofia is seeing its largest demonstration since 1990. Rallies are unfolding across the country against state capture and corruption, demanding the government’s resignation and new elections.

TikTok has changed the game. 100,000–150,000 people from diverse backgrounds protested in Bulgaria mobilised mainly through TikTok by influencers, activists, and the opposition. The platform has become a central engine for rapid mass mobilisation. What does this mean for social movement studies?

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Reach: this protest stands out through the strong participation of the youngest (16 to 25). For the first time, a large number of voices from the Turkish and Roma minorities have also become visible, openly speaking out against the oligarchic elites who have long instrumentalized their communities.

TikTok has changed the game. 100,000–150,000 people from diverse backgrounds protested in Bulgaria mobilised mainly through TikTok by influencers, activists, and the opposition. The platform has become a central engine for rapid mass mobilisation. What does this mean for social movement studies?

Protests after 2008 were primarily organised on Facebook. In other countries, Twitter also played a key role. Today, the main arena is TikTok. This changes the scale, timing, and reach of mobilization.

Scale: Earlier protest waves in Bulgaria often became enclosed within specific social groups, mostly the urban middle-classes. Now TikTok spreads the mobilisation across people with different incomes, views, and ethnic backgrounds.

The law of Bulgarian democracy: the arrogance of the political class is restrained only by mass protest. At least 50,000 people marched yesterday in Sofia, with several thousand more in cities across the country.

Our new article is out in Social Movement Studies! We compare workers’ protests in Belgium, Bulgaria, Greece, Italy & Romania – from protest tactics to building alliances after Covid-19. It presents the first comparative data of workers’ protests since Covid-19, based on local sources.

tandfonline.comLabour unrest in the context of multiple crises: a comparative perspective of EuropeBy presenting the first comparative data of trade union and workers’ protests since Covid-19, based on local sources, this article attempts to fill a significant gap in the empirical research on cr...