Danbischof

Danbischof

@danbischof.bsky.social

danbischof.com Political Scientist: studying democracy with experiments & data Professor | University of Münster Associate Professor | Aarhus University (he/him | "Sie" als Anrede brauche ich nicht)

6.8K followers1.4K following1K posts

Danbischof reposted

We're hiring across Political Science at the department of political science @uni-muenster.de : 3 postdocs, a doctoral position and a research associate position, spanning methods, democracy and sustainability. Details and deadlines below. Please share widely; questions welcome!

We're hiring across Political Science at the department of political science @uni-muenster.de : 3 postdocs, a doctoral position and a research associate position, spanning methods, democracy and sustainability. Details and deadlines below. Please share widely; questions welcome!

Danbischof reposted

Great opportunity: this is a fantastic team, and Dan is an outstanding mentor and researcher. If you have any questions about what it's like to work with Dan, I'm always happy to chat!

Danbischof@danbischof.bsky.social

Postdoc position within my group 3 years (100% TVl-13): stellen.uni-muenster.de/jobposting/2... ⏱️ 06.11.2026 If you have questions: get in touch!

Danbischof reposted

We are looking for a new PostDoc in our team! You'll work with @danbischof.bsky.social on an amazing research project and be part of our team (incl. me and @mwegemann.bsky.social) in Münster. Please feel free to reach out if you have any questions! Deadline: 6 November

Danbischof@danbischof.bsky.social

Postdoc position within my group 3 years (100% TVl-13): stellen.uni-muenster.de/jobposting/2... ⏱️ 06.11.2026 If you have questions: get in touch!

Danbischof reposted

We are looking for a new colleague! Please apply and work with with @danbischof.bsky.social, @elenaleuschner.bsky.social and me at @ifpolms.bsky.social. Deadline: November 6

Danbischof@danbischof.bsky.social

Postdoc position within my group 3 years (100% TVl-13): stellen.uni-muenster.de/jobposting/2... ⏱️ 06.11.2026 If you have questions: get in touch!

Ein Strandkorb, wirklich? Der er selbst bezahlt. Das ist dekadent? Soll er den Balkon leer lassen? Darf er mit seinem Gehalt keinen Strandkorb kaufen? Welche Form der Dekadenz signalisiert ein selbst erworbener Strandkorb?

Danbischof reposted

🚨 New working paper! 🚨

Danbischof@danbischof.bsky.social

📄 New working paper w. Alex De Juan, @felixhaass.bsky.social & Henry Thomson: We study Weimar Germany in 1932 to ask whether far right electoral success pacifies extremist movements - or can fuel violence when mandates do not translate into power. osf.io/preprints/so...

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📈 Membership records tell a similar story. Where mandates had been won, SA membership kept growing. We do not see the same pattern for the formal party organization.

🧨 Bottom line: Far right representation does not automatically pacify anti-democratic movements. When a violent party wins mandates but remains excluded from power, representation itself can intensify violence.

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⚠️ The mechanism is not simple loser grievance. Violence increased where Nazi candidates won mandates, not where they narrowly lost. Representation without power seems to have redirected frustration toward the movement's violent wing.

🪖 The mechanism evidence points in that direction. The additional violence was initiated by the SA. SA mood reports describe disappointment and bitterness after electoral success failed to produce power.

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🔎 Main finding: post-election Nazi-communist violence was substantially higher in towns represented by elected Nazi MPs. A town with an elected Nazi MP was more than twice as likely to experience a post-election SA-KPD riot.

⏪ This was not just pre-existing violence. The discontinuity appears after the election, but not before it. That matters because it speaks against a story where already violent towns simply happened to elect Nazi candidates.

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🗂️ to be able to understand the link between elections and violence we digitize Nazi candidate lists and Prussian police records on street violence. Then we link riots to Nazi candidates' home towns.

📏 To address the obvious endogeneity between elections and violence we compare towns whose Nazi candidates narrowly entered parliament with towns whose candidates narrowly missed.

💡 Elections are supposed to reduce violence: representation gives actors a stake in institutions and a peaceful route to influence. But what if a violent far right movement wins seats and is still excluded from power?

🇩🇪 We study this in Weimar Germany after the July 1932 Reichstag election. The Nazi Party became the largest parliamentary force, but it remained outside government and Hitler was not appointed chancellor.

Zu den Thesen des Steckers, sehr gute Zerlegung:

Verfassungsblog@verfassungsblog.de

Welche Verantwortung hat die Wissenschaft im demokratischen Verfassungsstaat? FABIAN MICHL hat sich anlässlich der Talkshow Caren Miosga Gedanken über wissenschaftliche Verantwortung, politische Mehrheitsbildung und die Schranken des Verfassungsstaats gemacht. verfassungsblog.de/zur-verantwo...

Danbischof reposted

New working paper out, aiming to provide an explanation why populism is so widespread across the income ladder. @danbischof.bsky.social describes our results in the thread below!

Danbischof@danbischof.bsky.social

📄 New working paper out: osf.io/preprints/so... We (@thiloalbers.bsky.social @felixkersting.bsky.social and Fabian Kosse) try to understand why some citizens who are objectively well off still feel left behind, and why this matters for populist attitudes.

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📌 Bottom line: The danger is not only that citizens abandon democracy. It is also that democracy remains a shared word while its institutional and normative content becomes selectively narrowed.

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🪞 Even shared terms do not always mean shared meanings. Among respondents who mention rights, left voters connect rights to equality, people, and citizenship. Right voters emphasize freedom of speech and expression.

🧨 This matters for backsliding. Contested actions can be presented as democratic by appealing selectively to free speech, the people, popular sovereignty, or majority rule. Elections, accountability, and minority protection can be downplayed.

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🗳️ This does not mean citizens reject elections. It means elections are much less salient than rights and freedoms when people formulate democracy openly. Still, few link democracy with elections when asked in their own words.

🧭 Second finding: democratic meaning is politically structured. Far-right voters and non-voters are less likely to mention civil rights, elections, and horizontal accountability. Far-right voters more often invoke majority rule.

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🤖 We classify the answers with a fine-tuned language model. Then we use sentence embeddings to study not only which principles people mention, but also how they describe shared terms like rights, freedom, and elections.

🔎 First finding: citizens most often define democracy through individual and civil rights. Multidimensional definitions are rare. Only 17% mention elections when asked in their own words.

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🧲 Our worry: democracy itself can become absorbed into the left-right cleavage. Citizens may then disagree not only about policies, but about which version of democracy they believe is being defended.

💬 We fielded representative surveys in 14 countries and asked: "Using your own words, what are the essential elements of democracy in your view?" This gives us 25,509 open-ended responses.

🧩 Why does this matter? Democratic backsliding rarely works by openly rejecting democracy. It often works inside democratic language: freedom, the people, popular sovereignty, majority rule.