PhD researcher at @hertieschool.bsky.social.
Master from @humboldtuni.bsky.social in Social Sciences. Researching populist parties, protest and social movements.
Today, @malojan.bsky.social and I are launching the PartySOME website at partysome.org, an open, interactive platform for exploring how much political parties communicate online and what they talk about 🎤💻📊
▶️ This highlights an underappreciated form of competition: valence.
Challengers gain when voters lose confidence in mainstream parties’ ability to deliver and credit challengers with superior capability.
Lacking executive experience need not prevent them from winning this reputational contest.
Es läuft eine Kampagne gegen mich.
Anlass: eine Einschätzung zum „Projekt M1llion" gegenüber WDR und Regionalpresse. Das Muster ist bekannt und Schweigen macht es stärker. @protestinstitut.bsky.social@tudresden.bsky.social 🧵
The AfD has refined its mobilization strategy. They have moderated their campaign activities (which started much earlier than for any other party) and essentially used a mass party approach. BBQs, moped rides, outreach to local communities. That signals a willingness to be politically active.
In the minds of their voters, the AfD is a party that credibly signals a capability and willingness to enact change. It promises a future. The moderate campaign and movement character helps many voters to discard the racist platform and neo-Nazi personnel.
Mainstream parties need to realize the demand there is for mass party politics that engages continuously with local communities and projects a willingness to engage in politics, especially in regions with limited civil society resources.
The AfD has refined its mobilization strategy. They have moderated their campaign activities (which started much earlier than for any other party) and essentially used a mass party approach. BBQs, moped rides, outreach to local communities. That signals a willingness to be politically active.
It also contributes to further far-right normalization, since the campaign was, overall, professional and less contentious. This allows them to keep the platform highly radical, preventing potential splits and competition á la Vannacci in Italy.
🔥 Trending on SciLove today 🔥
🔬 Populism, radicalism, and protest mobilization by parties in Europe
👤 Schmidt & Castanho Silva, 2026
📖 European Journal of Political Research @ejprjournal.bsky.social
🔗 https://www.scilove.app/article/10.1017/s1475676526101686
#PoliSci #AcademicSky #AcademicChatter
Our findings reaffirm the importance of disentangling populism from thick ideologies. Populist parties are not fundamentally different in their street mobilization behavior than other parties, they are simply more often radical.
Using a comprehensive dataset of Facebook posts by national MPs across Europe between 2018 and 2021, we extract references to protest and calls for protest mobilization. The importance that parties afford to protest politics differs vastly.
We find that radicalism emerges as a much more consistent predictor of protest mobilization than populism, with radicalism increasing mobilization. Populism partially amplifies this pattern, but only on the radical left do we find significant differences between populist and non-populist parties.
While a lot of literature links populism and protest mobilization, there is always the issue of separating the role of populism from its host ideology. Are populist parties simply more involved in street protest because they also tend to be on the radical left or right? 🤔
It is out in the world! 🎉 'The online transnationalisation of populist radical right publics' is published open access in the @ejprjournal.bsky.social. In this, I ask: which factors explain transnational online engagement with PRR communications?🧵
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Hertie School banned Palestinian solidarity symbols at its graduation ceremony and required students to sign a declaration accepting these terms.
BERNHARD KNOLL-TUDOR critically assesses the categorical restrictions on peaceful symbolic expressions.
verfassungsblog.de/dissonance-a...
Do far-right parties gain electoral support by embedding their members in sports clubs, cultural societies and volunteer fire brigades? Excited to present my research on far-right infiltration of civil society at #EPSS2026 tomorrow!
🗓️ Saturday, 3:20 - 5:00 pm
📍Broadway (Hilton)
💥 Our paper is now out in Political Behavior - I'm very happy about it!
We show how confrontational protest affects different dimensions of public opinion compared to demonstrative protest 👇
I also talked to ZEIT Online about our pre-print & the context a while ago: www.zeit.de/gesellschaft...
❗Confrontational tactics like street blockades and food attacks on art hurt activists' image, but not their cause.
📄 New paper out in Political Behavior (@polbehavior.bsky.social) w/ @dasalgon.bsky.social@sophiahunger.bsky.social & @swenhutter.bsky.social. 🧵1/7
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Civil society orgs prioritize more localized elections where institutional access may be easier and issues more concrete. Protest participants follow their lead and are also larger during regional campaigns 🗣️
This demonstrates that protest is partially used as a tool for electoral mobilization to which theories of electoral mobilisation (e.g. second-order elections) can be applied and that incentives differ between politicians and civil society.
We find an overall „professionalization“ of protest during campaigns. Parties and civil society orgs mobilize more and partially crowd out less institutionalized organizers
But not all elections matter equally to organizers. Everyone increases mobilization before national elections. But parties, civil society and also crowd sizes diverge for second-order elections (EU and regional elections).
Politicians go for high-profile EU campaigns, 🇪🇺
📢now forthcoming in ECMA!
The Class Gap in Career Progression: Evidence from US Academia
Class is rarely a focus of research or DEI in elite US occupations.
Evidence suggests it should be: we find a large class gap in at least one occupation - tenure-track academia...🧵
🚨New article w/ @eborbath.bsky.social & Swen Hutter
Protest and the rise of left-nationalist challengers: evidence from Germany
📔 Social Movement Studies
🔗 doi.org/10.1080/1474...
In 2022, Germany faced a cost-of-living crisis.
Many expected a “Hot Autumn” of mass protest—but it never happened. Why?
Thanks so much for organising this @rlachat.bsky.social and @rdassonneville.bsky.social! It was such a pleasure to spend the week with all these wonderful reseachers and generally nice people. Also thanks to all the (actually!) inspiring guest lecturers. Paris also helped, I guess 😉
The CERIUM-FMSH summer school comes to an end. Thanks to this fantastic group of promising young scholars: @annasawallisch.bsky.social@anninahermes.bsky.social@francescayton.bsky.social@gaetanoinglese.bsky.social@galron3.bsky.social@ginaaniano.bsky.social Isolde Hegemann
The death toll of Israel’s ongoing genocide in Gaza is now estimated at 100,000
The list is 1,227 pages long.
The first 11 pages are names of babies dead before the age of 6 months.
The first 381 pages are all children.
archive.is/2025.06.28-0...
Why are parties like AfD, Movimento 5 Stelle, or La France Insoumise so involved in street protests? Is it because of populism or their (radical) host ideology?
Come and find out at #EPSA2025 on Friday at 15:00 (0A.05) where I will present joint work with @bcastanho.bsky.social!
Why are parties like AfD, Movimento 5 Stelle, or La France Insoumise so involved in street protests? Is it because of populism or their (radical) host ideology?
Come and find out at #EPSA2025 on Friday at 15:00 (0A.05) where I will present joint work with @bcastanho.bsky.social!
Very happy and proud to see @felixgruenewald.bsky.social 's paper "‘Seen one, seen ‘em all’: political outgroup homogeneity and negative affect" in print @wepsocial.bsky.social. One of the first outputs of our @dfg.de funded project on polarization. Check it out, it's #openaccess
Kai Wegner stramm auf Trumplinie. Erste Deportationen von Studierenden angedroht, wenn die 4 Iren, Polen und US-Amerikaner*innen nicht bis 21.4. das Land verlassen haben.
💥 Wir suchen eine studentische Hilfskraft (10-19 Std./Woche) für das Projekt WZB ProtestMonitoring! @wzb.bsky.social
📅Deadline: 12. März!
+ Infos & Bewerbung: wzb.eu/de/jobs/stud...
Gerne stehe ich für Fragen zur Verfügung!
Next to social media, the German Left's other major mobilization story was their commitment to actual grassroots campaigning. While AfD had mostly taken over the image of "caretaker" party in the East, this shows that progressive parties can reclaim this identity by being active on the ground