Nick O'Donovan

Nick O'Donovan

@nickod.bsky.social

Political scientist and occasional policy wonk, interested in big tech, the digital economy, taxation and inequality. Author of Pursuing the Knowledge Economy: https://www.agendapub.com/page/detail/pursuing-the-knowledge-economy/?k=9781788215145 @DrNickOD

1.7K followers493 following94 posts

Nick O'Donovan reposted

Nick O'Donovan reposted

New Paper out in Socio-Economic Review! Part of a coming special issue on the socio-economics of loss and decline. About the 4D chess of using blended finance for the coal exit in the Global South. Read it here: doi.org/10.1093/ser/... (or ask me for a copy if you don't have access)!)

Nick O'Donovan reposted

Second paper of our SER special issue (with @vapunkt.bsky.social & @trgn.bsky.social) out just hours after the first and it's just as great - congrats Nick! 🎉 More information in the thread below ⬇️

Nick O'Donovan@nickod.bsky.social

The concept of ‘stranded assets’ has become central to analysis of the climate crisis. Rapid decarbonisation will result in the mass devaluation of a whole host of fossil-fuel-related investments. But where did the language of stranding come from, and how has its meaning changed over time?

The concept of ‘stranded assets’ has become central to analysis of the climate crisis. Rapid decarbonisation will result in the mass devaluation of a whole host of fossil-fuel-related investments. But where did the language of stranding come from, and how has its meaning changed over time?

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In another sense, the history of ‘stranded assets’ exposes the naivety of the policymakers who sought to insulate market provision from political control. Deregulation did not replace a messy political order with a harmonious economic order: it merely replaced one political economy with another.

Weakening state and civil society institutions that governed/steered/regulated public utilities did not depoliticise those sectors, but rather ceded their political control to powerful private interests. Recreating and re-empowering such institutions could help challenge those interests today.

The concept of ‘stranded assets’ has become central to analysis of the climate crisis. Rapid decarbonisation will result in the mass devaluation of a whole host of fossil-fuel-related investments. But where did the language of stranding come from, and how has its meaning changed over time?

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If this compensatory logic is applied to fossil fuel assets today, however, it risks turning the ‘polluter pays principle’ on its head. But the original ‘stranding’ debates also teach us that stranding was only ever supposed to be a temporary phenomenon.

Proponents of deregulation argued that, once liberalised energy markets are in place, market forces will *already* compensate investors for the political and regulatory downside risks they bear. The case for compensating owners of fossil fuel assets again, after these risks crystallise, is weak.

The concept of ‘stranded assets’ has become central to analysis of the climate crisis. Rapid decarbonisation will result in the mass devaluation of a whole host of fossil-fuel-related investments. But where did the language of stranding come from, and how has its meaning changed over time?

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That changed with deregulation, triggering political conflict over who should shoulder losses related to legacy assets: the original investors, the ratepayers, the government, the still-regulated network providers or businesses operating in newly competitive markets.

The language of ‘stranding’ was introduced to describe these novel losses – and private investors in the pre-deregulation public utilities sought (and often won) compensation for the stranded costs of their stranded investments.

The concept of ‘stranded assets’ has become central to analysis of the climate crisis. Rapid decarbonisation will result in the mass devaluation of a whole host of fossil-fuel-related investments. But where did the language of stranding come from, and how has its meaning changed over time?

Prior to deregulation, US public utilities such as telecoms and electricity were often privately owned/funded, but heavily regulated – meaning that investors could almost always recover their capital costs through regulated fees from captive ratepayers. 'Stranding' was nigh-on impossible.

Day 1: "There is a light that never goes out" due to reductions in electricity bills Day 2: "Get on the bus and cause no fuss, get a grip on yourself, it don't cost much" more than £1.99 Day 3: "Cigarettes and alcohol" (albeit cigarettes only in designated outdoor smoking areas)

Probably the most prescient thing I’ve ever written (even a stopped clock…) It feels like UK politics today is still hamstrung by stark differences in exposure to/experience of collective economic outcomes- with some insulated from collective failures, others shut-out from collective success.[2/3]

In case you're wondering, I published it pseudonymously as I was working for a private sector firm at the time, who wanted to pre-approve any op-eds- so I'm somewhat belatedly taking responsibility for it now. It wasn't behind a paywall back then, either, so DM me if you want a copy! [3/3]

Nick O'Donovan reposted

This is not a reasoned political response. Labour has spent two years making all the voting groups who backed the Greens feel unwelcome and unheard, and now attacks them for daring to back someone else. They believe Labour isn’t listening and Starmer seems determined to prove them right

Zoë Crowther@zoecrowther.bsky.social

"Their willingness to welcome Galloway's divisive, sectarian politics is a sign that the Greens are not the harmless environmentalists they pretend to be and their position on legalising all drugs shows how unstable this electoral coalition is. It cannot survive a general election campaign. (5/16)

Nick O'Donovan reposted

This is from Keir Starmer’s letter to Labour MPs today. This sort of stuff is shockingly partisan and nasty. It will only backfire with voters who switched to Green or are thinking of switching.

Zoë Crowther@zoecrowther.bsky.social

"Instead of a Labour MP who can be a local champion delivering for Gorton and Denton alongside a Labour Government and a Labour mayor, the people of Gorton and Denton now have a representative who is more interested in dividing people than uniting them. (2/16)

I am trying not to read anything too sinister into the fact that, when I searched for "money as a social contract", the concept of "society" induced a nervous breakdown in Google's AI bot, which began randomly yelling "YouTube" at me in response.

One point worth emphasising is that, by then, tax rises may not be needed to comply with UK fiscal rules, which specify a 3-year *rolling* target (tho may be needed to placate bond markets). As the OBR noted back in 2021, the problem with such rules is 'the date for meeting them never arrives' [2/2]

Nick O'Donovan reposted

There's an important debate to be had on the wisdom of simultaneously increasing employer NICs, the minimum wage and employment rights. The jobs market does look weaker. But an alternative reading of this chart is that employment has just continued on its pre-election trend?

Nick O'Donovan reposted

This kind of descriptive analysis is v interesting- well worth a read

Nick O'Donovan@nickod.bsky.social

What makes recent technological developments so devastating is not their novelty, but rather that the political economy of developed democracies is already set up to ensure the proceeds of growth are not widely shared. You can download the full article for free here: doi.org/10.1093/ser/... [5/5]

***New article announcement!*** Prosperity and inequality in mature knowledge economies Barely a week goes by without new reports of generative AI displacing high-skilled knowledge work. But this is part of a trend stretching back more than 20 years. [1/5]

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This is not (just) a story about generative AI displacing new graduates: it is a story about how knowledge work has been transformed and squeezed by successive technological advances, such as cloud computing and the platformisation of the digital economy. [4/5]

What makes recent technological developments so devastating is not their novelty, but rather that the political economy of developed democracies is already set up to ensure the proceeds of growth are not widely shared. You can download the full article for free here: doi.org/10.1093/ser/... [5/5]

doi.orgProsperity and inequality in mature knowledge economiesAbstract. In the 1990s, policymakers in affluent democracies viewed the ‘knowledge economy’ as a solution to economic stagnation and social exclusion. Yet,

***New article announcement!*** Prosperity and inequality in mature knowledge economies Barely a week goes by without new reports of generative AI displacing high-skilled knowledge work. But this is part of a trend stretching back more than 20 years. [1/5]

My new article, free to read in the Socio-Economic Review, explores productivity and inequality trends in advanced democracies from 1995 through to the eve of the COVID-19 pandemic. It exposes how the knowledge economy nowhere lived up to its promise of inclusive growth. [2/5]

Moreover, even those sectors that were supposed to epitomise the new high-skill, high-wage paradigm in which 'what you earn depends on what you learn' have in fact become increasingly capital-intensive over time, denying skilled workers a higher share of the proceeds of growth. [3/5]

Will AI eliminate high-skilled, high-paid knowledge work? If the recent past is anything to go by, yes. My new article explores how knowledge work has already become more capital-intensive since the early 2000s, undermining hopes of inclusive prosperity: doi.org/10.1093/ser/...

doi.orgProsperity and inequality in mature knowledge economiesAbstract. In the 1990s, policymakers in affluent democracies viewed the ‘knowledge economy’ as a solution to economic stagnation and social exclusion. Yet,

A reminder of the impermanence of currency hierarchies from the US Commercial and Financial Chronicle, 1 December 1877: 'in the great exchange markets of the world... our paper is not current and never will be.'

Really looking forward to this online seminar with Quinn Slobodian, author of Crack-Up Capitalism and Hayek's Bastards, 5pm BST on Weds 4th June. It promises to be a fascinating discussion of neoliberalism and its discontents. The link to sign up (for free!) is: www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/professor-...

eventbrite.co.ukProfessor Quinn Slobodian (Boston University) - Title TBATBA
Valentina Ausserladscheider@vapunkt.bsky.social

‼️Save the date: Wednesday 4th of June we'll have Quinn Slobodian talk about his work at our @psabcpe.bsky.social online seminar series - sign up and share widely‼️

Nick O'Donovan reposted

The European Union remains a funny animal. Outside observers: rich place, lots of industry, lower debt levels than US/China. Should be able to rearm quickly and cheaply if they coordinate decision-making. Leaders on the inside: I don’t trust my neighbour so let’s bicker while the house burns down.

Nick O'Donovan reposted

Nick O'Donovan reposted

Nick O'Donovan reposted

📊 Last week, we released our new central bank speeches database, which almost doubles the coverage of the @BIS_org database. We also released a tool to facilitate research on central bank communication: meet the #CBSpeeches explorer! Four tools for the price of one (=free!)

Nick O'Donovan reposted

💯 As I tell my students, having AI write your philosophy paper is like sending a robot to the gym for you and expecting to reap the health benefits.

Kevin M. Kruse@kevinmkruse.bsky.social

Writing is thinking. It’s not a part of the process that can be skipped; it’s the entire point.

Really interesting which parties have sharp variations in support across ages groups and which don't (Lib Dems relatively cross-generational in appeal; Reform cross-generational among men only).

Tim Bale@timbale.bsky.social

Handy graphic - voting by age and gender, #GE2024 (Source: www.politicshome.com/news/article...).